Essay On National Unity Day Russia

MOSCOW (Sputnik) – National Unity Day was established in accordance with a federal law amending Article 1 of the Federal Law on Days of Military Glory (Victory Days) of Russia, dated December 24, 2004.

The new state holiday, approved at the initiative of the Interfaith Council of Russia (ICR), was first celebrated November 4, 2005.

National Unity Day was established in memory of the events of 1612, when Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky led a people’s volunteer army to liberate Moscow from Polish occupation. Historically, it was connected to the end of the Time of Troubles in the 17th century.

The Time of Troubles began at the death of Ivan the Terrible in 1584 continuing until the establishment of the Romanov Dynasty in 1613. A period of a deep crisis caused by the end of the Rurik dynasty, or Rurikids, soon developed into a national and state crisis compounded by a collapse of the united Russian state and the appearance of numerous pretenders to the throne, as well as widespread theft, robbery, bribery and alcoholism.

Contemporaneous accounts describe fears that the ultimate destruction of the "holy Moscow state" was imminent. Power in Moscow was usurped by the Seven Boyars (nobles) led by Prince Fyodor Mstislavsky, who opened the Kremlin gates to Polish troops, hoping to bring Prince Wladyslaw, a Catholic, to the Russian throne.

Patriarch Hermogenes called on Russians to defend the Orthodox Church and drive the Polish invaders from Moscow.

"It’s time to give your lives to the House of the Most Holy Mother of God," the Patriarch wrote.

The people responded willingly, joining volunteer units to fight the invaders. The first popular movement was headed by Prokopy Lyapunov, a military governor from Ryazan. The movement dispersed after the governor was killed by Cossacks and noblemen. The anti-Polish rebellion, which began in Moscow on March 19, 1611, was quelled.

In September 1611, Kuzma Minin, a meat trader and a district head in Nizhny Novgorod, appealed to people to join the volunteer troops.

Responding to Minin’s appeal, people of Nizhny Novgorod provided one third of their property for the maintenance of the local volunteer corps. But it was not enough, and soon another appeal was made, this time for an additional one-fifth of their property.

Kuzma Minin donated all of his money for the army, and his wife is said to have given her jewelry.

Acting on Minin’s exhortation, people appealed to Novgorod Prince Dmitry Pozharsky, then 30 years old, to lead them. But the prince only agreed to become their military leader if the people of Nizhny Novgorod would choose a trusted aide to oversee the public funds. The people chose Minin, which is why the volunteer corps had two leaders, both chosen and trusted by the people.

Minin and Pozharsky rallied a large army including over 10,000 service-class people (bound by obligations of service, especially military service to the Moscow State), about 3,000 Cossacks, over 1,000 Streltsy (riflemen) and many peasants bound by military service obligations.

People from all classes of Russian society and all ethnic groups in the Russian state joined together to liberate their homeland from the invaders.

The Nizhny Novgorod voluntary corps, marching under an icon of Our Lady of Kazan, uncovered in Kazan in 1579, stormed Kitai Gorod (the external walls of Moscow) on November 4, 1612, driving the invaders from Moscow. That victory provided a powerful impetus for the revival of the Russian state. The icon of Our Lady of Kazan became the protector of all Russia.

The liberation of Moscow created conditions for the restoration of state power and the election of a new tsar. In November 1612, the leaders of the volunteer corps sent invitations to all Russian cities to attend a national assembly (the Zemsky Sobor). In late February 1613, the Zemsky Sobor, comprising representatives of all classes of Russian society (clergy, boyar, nobility, Cossack, peasant, etc.), elected Mikhail Romanov, the son of Metropolitan Filaret, as the new tsar, the first of the Romanov Dynasty.

The 1613 Zemsky Sobor ended the Time of Troubles and celebrated the priority of Orthodoxy and national unity.

According to the Nikon Chronicle, a compilation of chronicles for the time, after driving the invading Poles from Moscow, Prince Dmitry Pozharsky placed the icon of Our Lady of Kazan in his parish church of the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple in the Lubyanka district in Moscow. He donated funds for the construction of the Cathedral of Our Lady of Kazan on Red Square. The now widely accepted miracle-working icon, which Pozharsky brought to Moscow for the battle against the invaders, was moved to the new church in 1636 and remained there for the next 300 years.

The icon was later moved to the Epiphany Cathedral at Yelokhovo in Moscow.

Tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich, ruling from 1645-1676, established a holiday to commemorate the liberation of Moscow, the Day of the Icon of Our Lady of Kazan. It was marked as an Orthodox and state holiday until 1917. The day is celebrated on November 4 (October 22 Old Style) as an Orthodox Holiday of Day of the Icon of Our Lady of Kazan, in memory of the 1612 liberation of Moscow.

National Unity Day is not a new holiday but an old tradition recently revived.

On National Unity Day, political parties and public movements around Russia hold demonstrations, marches, concerts, as well as educational, charity and sports events.

The popularity of this holiday grows each year. According to a poll conducted by the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM) on October 26, 2014, 63 percent of respondents believe that it is an important holiday, an increase from 57 percent in 2013.

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MOSCOW — Among Vladi­mir Putin’s headaches as he headed into the weekend were an international tug of war over a medieval saint, an infamous revolution he would rather that no one remembered and crowds of angry men calling for his imprisonment.

And you think you had a rough week.

The Russian president, when he is not fighting a proxy war with the United States in Syria or trying to outwit U.S. presidential campaign managers, has a day job that entails keeping together a massive multiethnic country whose 140 million people, 25 years into Russia’s post-Soviet existence, still struggle to find a common message to rally around.

And because there is no serious political opposition, internal dissent, no second-guessing — “Vladimir Putin’s only adviser is Vladi­mir Putin,” says Alexei Venediktov, editor in chief of Ekho Moskvy radio — it falls to the Russian leader to address the problem himself.

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National Unity Day is a holiday Russian President Vladimir Putin created in 2005. It restored the long weekend in early November Russians had become accustomed to when the Soviet Union celebrated the Bolshevik Revolution on Nov. 7. The Unity Day holiday commemorates the 1612 defeat of Polish and Cossack invaders by Russians. (David Filipov / The Washington post)

Putin has tried mixing and matching shards of Russia’s fragmented history to create a version his countrymen can embrace while discarding some of the uglier material. He has tried to come up with a “national idea” for them no fewer than three times: After toying with “competitiveness” and “saving people,” earlier this year he told a meeting of regional business leaders that he had settled on “patriotism.” He has publicly asked legislators to define the “Russian nation” by law, although there is confusion about what that means. 

“We don’t really know what it’s going to be,” Ildar Gilmutdinov, head of the legislative committee charged with drafting the bill, acknowledged last week.

A recent poll published by the Russian Public Opinion Research Center found that 44 percent of respondents to the question said the country had found unity, down from 54 percent a year ago.

Then there was Friday’s national holiday, the first day of the three-day weekend in November that used to be reserved in Russia for celebrations of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution. In 2005, the Kremlin replaced that with National Unity Day, a commemoration of an early 17th-century military victory credited with ending the strife-torn years called the Time of Troubles. It was a way to let Russian people keep their long weekend without the annual reminder that a rabble of commoners can overthrow an autocrat. 

More recently, Unity Day has evolved into an effort to contain and co-opt nationalist sentiment among ethnic Russians, and head off the chance that any of the country’s 190 or so ethnic minorities will spring the kind of separatist ambitions that led to more than a decade of bloodshed in Chechnya.

At first glance, the holiday on Friday went spectacularly: Braving a damp, chilly snow, tens of thousands of marchers moved peacefully through a heavy police presence in central Moscow, waving the Russian tricolor and banners proclaiming “We Are United” and “United We Cannot Be Defeated,” and chanting slogans such as “Motherland! Freedom! Putin!” 

Outside the Kremlin, Putin unveiled a large statue of Grand Prince Vladimir, who according to legend converted eastern Slavs to Orthodox Christianity in 988. He praised his medieval namesake as a farsighted ruler who “laid down a moral foundation that defines our lives to this day.” 

Members of a Russian veterans group called the Combat Brotherhood march through central Moscow as part of Russian National Unity Day celebrations on November 4, 2016 in Moscow, Russia. (David Filipov/The Washington Post)

That brought a rebuke from Ukraine, in conflict with Russia since Moscow seized Crimea in 2014, which sent a tweet reminding the Russians that Prince Vladi­mir — called Volodymyr in Ukrainian — ruled from Kiev, where his statue has gazed over the Dnieper River for generations. 

More worrisome discord on Unity Day was found closer to home, in a southeastern Moscow neighborhood where hundreds of ultranationalists chanted “Glory to the White Race.” One slogan made an allusion to sending Putin to a prison colony in the Far East; another chanted a sinister response to the more benign slogan repeated downtown: “Blood, fatherland, faith.” Grim riot police with batons kept the crowd in control; authorities agreed to allow the protest just before Unity Day, fearing an unsanctioned rally might get violent.

“There’s this sense that this holiday hasn’t taken root,” was the deadpan comment of Russia-24 TV analyst Peter Lidov. “Something is missing.”

Putin is not the first Kremlin leader to try, and fail, to come up with a miracle pill for unification.

In the dying days of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev tried to consolidate the country with his idea of socialism “with a human face.” Boris Yeltsin made anti-Communism his rallying cry until the Communists were gone; then he told Russia’s regions to “take as much sovereignty as you can swallow,” which led to years of conflict in Chechnya. Yeltsin’s most loyal newspaper then held a contest, but no one came up with a Russian slogan that stuck like, say, “the American Dream.”

In a way, Putin has come the closest to that. The English word “Russian” is actually the translation of two distinct concepts: “Russky,” which refers to ethnic Russians; and “rossiisky,” which is in the formal Russian name for the country and refers to the nation as a whole, similar to what many Americans mean when they say “Americans.”

On National Unity Day, when Putin took that concept for a spin, handing out the first-ever medals for service to the rossiisky nation, other people started saying it.

So there’s that.

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